As of February 2026, public dissent in Iran has not disappeared, it has transformed. While large-scale street protests that erupted in late December 2025 were met with deadly crackdowns, new forms of resistance continue to surface. Mourning ceremonies marking 40 days since the deaths of demonstrators have turned into renewed flashpoints in cities such as Mashhad, Hamedan and Abdanan. Nightly rooftop chants, localized demonstrations and symbolic acts of defiance persist despite tightened security and recurring internet shutdowns.
Against this backdrop, Nargis Rahmanfard, 29, describes a country gripped by both repression and determination.
Rahmanfard, a human rights and women’s rights activist, member of the Anglo Women and Youth Association, and researcher for the UK’s National Health Service, outlined what she views as a systematic escalation in state violence.
Her connection to the issue is personal. Her family fled Iran when she was a child due to political persecution. Her uncle was executed by the state at age 20. Today, she works to document alleged abuses and keep international focus on those she says are most at risk, particularly women and young people.
A faster, harsher response
Rahmanfard argues that authorities are responding more swiftly and aggressively than in previous uprisings.
“Compared to previous uprisings, the authorities move faster.”
She points to the rapid deployment of security forces and near-immediate internet shutdowns, which she believes are designed to isolate protesters and obscure casualty figures.
She alleges that medical personnel who treated injured demonstrators have been arrested and that security forces entered hospitals to identify those with pellet wounds.
Independent verification remains limited due to media restrictions and limited access for international observers.
Rahmanfard describes rooftop gunmen, widespread arrests, and intensified street presence.
“There is no tool of repression left unused. The regime has used the full spectrum of violence at its disposable. What has happened amounts to genocide and crime against humanity.”
Iranian authorities have consistently rejected allegations of systematic abuse, stating that security measures are necessary to maintain order and national stability.
Casualties, arrests and conflicting numbers
The latest wave of unrest began amid mounting economic pressure and currency instability before expanding into broader political dissent.
Statements delivered before the United Nations Human Rights Council indicate that the government’s response intensified sharply in January 2026, including the reported use of live ammunition. U.N. officials have referred to “thousands” of deaths, while noting that independent verification is difficult due to digital blackouts and restricted monitoring access.
Iranian authorities have publicly cited lower figures, approximately 3,000 fatalities, highlighting a significant gap between official and independent assessments.
Mass arrests followed. Human Rights Watch has reported widespread arbitrary detentions, raising concerns about due process violations and allegations of coerced confessions.
Medical and rights sources have documented severe injuries among protesters, including permanent disabilities linked to the use of metal projectiles.
Reporting by The Beiruter indicates that intensified digital surveillance and a pervasive climate of fear have pushed many activists underground or into exile as restrictions on assembly and expression deepen.
The Death Penalty as a tool of control
Amnesty International reported that more than 1,000 executions were carried out in Iran in 2025, the highest annual figure it has recorded in at least 15 years, underscoring what it describes as deteriorating human rights conditions.
Human rights groups argue that the death penalty has increasingly been weaponized during periods of unrest. Executions have targeted protesters, ethnic minorities and political dissidents under broadly defined national security charges, often following trials before Revolutionary Courts criticized for lacking transparency and independence.
In January 2026, Iran’s head of the judiciary ordered prosecutors to “act without leniency” against protesters, heightening concerns over swift trials and possible arbitrary executions.
Among those reportedly at risk are Erfan Soltani, 26, and Amirhossein Ghaderzadeh, 19, detained after participating in protests.
Amnesty has documented allegations of coerced confessions and denial of legal representation in several cases, reiterating its longstanding position that there is no credible evidence that capital punishment deters crime more effectively than life imprisonment.
Across the region, Iraq has also recorded a sharp rise in executions, with at least 63 documented in 2024, nearly four times the previous year, many linked to terrorism charges under expansive security legislation.
Amnesty attributes the regional surge to vague anti-terror provisions, criminalization of peaceful expression, and systemic fair-trial violations, conditions critics argue allow capital punishment to function as a mechanism of control rather than justice.
Evolving demands
Rahmanfard believes the protests have moved beyond economic grievances toward systemic change.
“People are demanding a democratic republic, chanting “down with Khamenei, down with dictator, down with Oppressor, be in the Shah” which fundamentally signifies their demand for an end to both theocratical and monarchical dictatorships.”
She points to organized activist networks, including groups affiliated with the Mojahedin-e Khalq (MEK), a controversial opposition movement previously designated as a terrorist organization by several Western governments before being delisted in the 2010s.
Figures cited by representatives of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) claim protests spanned more than 400 cities and resulted in over 2,000 deaths and thousands of arrests, numbers that remain independently unverified.
At a rally in Munich during the 2026 Munich Security Conference, thousands gathered under the slogan “No to the Shah, No to the Mullahs,” calling for a secular democratic republic.
International action, or inaction?
Rahmanfard argues that statements of condemnation are insufficient.
She welcomed European moves to designate Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a terrorist organization and called for similar steps in the UK.
She opposes foreign military intervention, advocating instead: “a regime change by the Iranian people and their organised Resistance movement.”
Her call is direct: “Iran doesn’t need war. It needs the international community to stop appeasement and stand with the people.”
Iranian officials maintain that unrest is fueled by foreign actors and describe exile-based opposition movements as lacking domestic legitimacy.
But for Rahmanfard, the roots are internal and longstanding, economic hardship, systemic corruption and political repression.
Her final assessment is stark: “Society is like a powder keg. Despite everything, people continue.”
More than four decades after the 1979 revolution, Iran’s political future remains contested, defined by competing narratives, disputed figures, and a population whose demands continue to reverberate both inside the country and across the world.
Against this backdrop, Nargis Rahmanfard, 29, describes a country gripped by both repression and determination.
Rahmanfard, a human rights and women’s rights activist, member of the Anglo Women and Youth Association, and researcher for the UK’s National Health Service, outlined what she views as a systematic escalation in state violence.
Her connection to the issue is personal. Her family fled Iran when she was a child due to political persecution. Her uncle was executed by the state at age 20. Today, she works to document alleged abuses and keep international focus on those she says are most at risk, particularly women and young people.
A faster, harsher response
Rahmanfard argues that authorities are responding more swiftly and aggressively than in previous uprisings.
“Compared to previous uprisings, the authorities move faster.”
She points to the rapid deployment of security forces and near-immediate internet shutdowns, which she believes are designed to isolate protesters and obscure casualty figures.
She alleges that medical personnel who treated injured demonstrators have been arrested and that security forces entered hospitals to identify those with pellet wounds.
Independent verification remains limited due to media restrictions and limited access for international observers.
Rahmanfard describes rooftop gunmen, widespread arrests, and intensified street presence.
“There is no tool of repression left unused. The regime has used the full spectrum of violence at its disposable. What has happened amounts to genocide and crime against humanity.”
Iranian authorities have consistently rejected allegations of systematic abuse, stating that security measures are necessary to maintain order and national stability.
Casualties, arrests and conflicting numbers
The latest wave of unrest began amid mounting economic pressure and currency instability before expanding into broader political dissent.
Statements delivered before the United Nations Human Rights Council indicate that the government’s response intensified sharply in January 2026, including the reported use of live ammunition. U.N. officials have referred to “thousands” of deaths, while noting that independent verification is difficult due to digital blackouts and restricted monitoring access.
Iranian authorities have publicly cited lower figures, approximately 3,000 fatalities, highlighting a significant gap between official and independent assessments.
Mass arrests followed. Human Rights Watch has reported widespread arbitrary detentions, raising concerns about due process violations and allegations of coerced confessions.
Medical and rights sources have documented severe injuries among protesters, including permanent disabilities linked to the use of metal projectiles.
Reporting by The Beiruter indicates that intensified digital surveillance and a pervasive climate of fear have pushed many activists underground or into exile as restrictions on assembly and expression deepen.
The Death Penalty as a tool of control
Amnesty International reported that more than 1,000 executions were carried out in Iran in 2025, the highest annual figure it has recorded in at least 15 years, underscoring what it describes as deteriorating human rights conditions.
Human rights groups argue that the death penalty has increasingly been weaponized during periods of unrest. Executions have targeted protesters, ethnic minorities and political dissidents under broadly defined national security charges, often following trials before Revolutionary Courts criticized for lacking transparency and independence.
In January 2026, Iran’s head of the judiciary ordered prosecutors to “act without leniency” against protesters, heightening concerns over swift trials and possible arbitrary executions.
Among those reportedly at risk are Erfan Soltani, 26, and Amirhossein Ghaderzadeh, 19, detained after participating in protests.
Amnesty has documented allegations of coerced confessions and denial of legal representation in several cases, reiterating its longstanding position that there is no credible evidence that capital punishment deters crime more effectively than life imprisonment.
Across the region, Iraq has also recorded a sharp rise in executions, with at least 63 documented in 2024, nearly four times the previous year, many linked to terrorism charges under expansive security legislation.
Amnesty attributes the regional surge to vague anti-terror provisions, criminalization of peaceful expression, and systemic fair-trial violations, conditions critics argue allow capital punishment to function as a mechanism of control rather than justice.
Evolving demands
Rahmanfard believes the protests have moved beyond economic grievances toward systemic change.
“People are demanding a democratic republic, chanting “down with Khamenei, down with dictator, down with Oppressor, be in the Shah” which fundamentally signifies their demand for an end to both theocratical and monarchical dictatorships.”
She points to organized activist networks, including groups affiliated with the Mojahedin-e Khalq (MEK), a controversial opposition movement previously designated as a terrorist organization by several Western governments before being delisted in the 2010s.
Figures cited by representatives of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) claim protests spanned more than 400 cities and resulted in over 2,000 deaths and thousands of arrests, numbers that remain independently unverified.
At a rally in Munich during the 2026 Munich Security Conference, thousands gathered under the slogan “No to the Shah, No to the Mullahs,” calling for a secular democratic republic.
International action, or inaction?
Rahmanfard argues that statements of condemnation are insufficient.
She welcomed European moves to designate Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a terrorist organization and called for similar steps in the UK.
She opposes foreign military intervention, advocating instead: “a regime change by the Iranian people and their organised Resistance movement.”
Her call is direct: “Iran doesn’t need war. It needs the international community to stop appeasement and stand with the people.”
Iranian officials maintain that unrest is fueled by foreign actors and describe exile-based opposition movements as lacking domestic legitimacy.
But for Rahmanfard, the roots are internal and longstanding, economic hardship, systemic corruption and political repression.
Her final assessment is stark: “Society is like a powder keg. Despite everything, people continue.”
More than four decades after the 1979 revolution, Iran’s political future remains contested, defined by competing narratives, disputed figures, and a population whose demands continue to reverberate both inside the country and across the world.
